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Texas faces a shortage of housing statewide, and in Central Texas the median housing price remains well over $400,000. While local land use reforms have begun to address this issue, as a Texas House Representative, what specific steps would you take to address housing affordability in your district?
Texas’s housing shortage is the result of policy choices, and as a state legislator I would focus on removing barriers that prevent Austin and other local governments from building the homes people need.
First, I would defend and expand local land use reform. Cities need the freedom to allow more housing types – duplexes, fourplexes, small apartment buildings, and accessory dwelling units – especially near transit, jobs, and schools. I will oppose state preemption that freezes exclusionary zoning in place and instead support legislation that gives cities flexibility to legalize “missing middle” housing and reduce minimum lot sizes and parking mandates that drive up costs.
Second, I would work to speed up housing production by addressing state-level bottlenecks. That includes supporting by-right development when projects meet local codes, limiting unnecessary delays and duplicative approvals, and modernizing permitting processes so projects can move forward faster and at lower cost. Time is money in housing, and the state can help reduce both.
Third, I would prioritize transit-oriented and infrastructure-aligned housing. Housing is more affordable when transportation costs are lower. I support state policies that encourage dense housing near high-capacity transit and investments that align water, sewer, and mobility funding with housing growth.
Fourth, I would support targeted affordability tools that complement market-rate production, including funding for community land trusts, deeply affordable housing, and tenant protections that prevent displacement while new housing comes online. Housing affordability won’t be solved by one program or one subsidy. It requires allowing more homes to be built, in more places, for more people. My focus as a state representative will be to remove state-level obstacles, support data-driven local reform, and ensure Austin has the tools it needs to remain a place where people of all incomes can live and stay.
In the 89th Texas Legislative session, two key housing reforms, SB840 and HB 24 were passed and supported by many of the Central Texas state representatives. Would you have voted for these bills and what, if any, improvements or changes do you think should be considered for the 90th Legislative session?
Yes, I would have supported both SB 840 and HB 24 because they moved Texas in the right direction by addressing barriers that slow housing production and drive up costs. Both bills reflected an important shift toward recognizing that our housing shortage is fundamentally a supply problem, and that state policy should enable, not block, local solutions.
That said, I also see room to build on that progress in the 90th Legislative Session. First, I would want to go further in strengthening local authority. While these bills helped streamline certain processes, cities still face significant state-imposed constraints that limit their ability to legalize missing-middle housing, reduce parking minimums, or allow more density near transit. I would support legislation that more clearly protects local land use reforms from state preemption and gives cities flexibility to respond to their own housing markets.
Second, I would push for stronger by-right development standards when projects comply with local codes. Reducing discretionary delays, duplicative hearings, and uncertainty can significantly lower housing costs. The state should continue to clarify and expand when housing can move forward administratively rather than through prolonged political processes.
Third, I would want to better align housing reforms with transportation and infrastructure planning. Housing policy works best when paired with transit investment and infrastructure funding that supports compact, transit-oriented growth. Future legislation should more explicitly connect these pieces so new housing is built in places that reduce overall household costs.
Finally, I would support complementary affordability and anti-displacement tools, such as expanded support for community land trusts and tenant protections, so that increased housing production benefits both current and future residents. SB 840 and HB 24 were important steps, but they should be seen as a foundation, not a finish line. In the next session, I would work to deepen these reforms so Texas, and Austin in particular, can build enough housing to remain inclusive, affordable, and connected.
The Texas legislature and legislatures across the country have had growing success in reducing housing costs for residents by passing laws to allow more housing. In some cases, there is a tension between these pro-housing bills and the idea of granting local municipalities full control over their housing markets. When bills pit the principle of local control against the need for more housing, how do you evaluate this conflict?
I see local control and the need for more housing as deeply connected, not opposing values. In practice, the housing shortage exists because too many layers of policy have made it difficult or impossible to build enough homes, even in cities that want to act. My starting point is always whether a bill expands the ability to build housing where people want and need to live.
I strongly prefer solutions that empower cities to lead. Local governments are closest to their communities and best positioned to make data-driven decisions about land use, transit, and growth. When a pro-housing bill strengthens local authority, removes state-imposed barriers, or protects local reforms from preemption, I see that as fully consistent with local control and would support it.
When there is a real conflict, I evaluate whether “local control” is being used to preserve exclusionary practices that harm the broader community. If local rules are preventing the production of housing needed to address affordability, climate goals, or access to opportunity, I believe the state has a role in setting minimum pro-housing standards, while still leaving implementation to cities. My goal is to strike a balance where the state sets a floor, not a ceiling: removing harmful constraints, preventing exclusion, and ensuring housing can be built, while giving cities flexibility to shape growth in ways that reflect local needs. Done right, state action should unlock local solutions and help Austin and other communities build an inclusive, affordable future.
Mandating parking requirements for new commercial and residential projects adds costs and space burdens without necessarily benefiting local communities. Given Austin’s leadership in removing parking minimums, would you actively support parking reform and work towards a similar statewide repeal of parking mandates?
Yes. I would actively support parking reform and work toward reducing or repealing outdated parking mandates at the state level. Parking minimums are a clear example of policy that raises housing and commercial costs without delivering proportional public benefit. They increase construction expenses, reduce the amount of land available for housing or productive use, and often force car-centric design even in areas well served by transit.
Austin’s decision to remove parking minimums has shown that cities can trust residents, businesses, and developers to determine what parking is actually needed. At the state level, I would support legislation that removes mandatory parking requirements as a default and gives local governments the flexibility to set context-sensitive standards where they believe they are truly necessary. In cases where state law still imposes parking mandates, I would work to eliminate those barriers so cities are not forced to overbuild parking at the expense of affordability, walkability, and climate goals. Parking reform is about more than cars. It is about lowering costs, supporting small businesses, enabling more housing, and allowing communities to grow in ways that reflect how people actually live. I see Austin’s leadership as a model, and I would work to ensure state policy supports, rather than undermines, that kind of forward-thinking local action.
TxDOT recently released the first ever Active Transportation plan and noted that population growth in Texas requires the agency to look beyond road building to address transportation needs across the state. What steps would you take to ensure additional funding was made available to expand transit like Project Connect, and other bike, sidewalk and other transportation options for Central Texas?
To meet Central Texas’s growth responsibly, the state has to invest in transportation choices beyond highways, and I would make that a priority in the Legislature. First, I would work to rebalance state transportation funding so transit, biking, walking, and other active transportation projects are eligible for consistent, meaningful funding, not just one-time grants. TxDOT’s Active Transportation Plan is an important acknowledgment that roads alone will not meet our needs, and state budgets should reflect that reality.
Second, I would advocate for strong state partnership with local transit investments like Project Connect. When regions vote to tax themselves to build transit, the state should be a supportive partner, not an obstacle. That includes protecting local funding sources, removing statutory barriers to transit expansion, and creating state matching or incentive programs for high-capacity transit projects.
Third, I would push to integrate land use and transportation planning at the state level. Transit works best when paired with housing and walkable infrastructure, and state funding should prioritize projects that reduce vehicle miles traveled, improve access to jobs, and lower household transportation costs. Finally, I would support dedicated funding for active transportation, including sidewalks, protected bike lanes, and safe routes to schools. These investments improve safety, public health, and equity, and they are essential for a growing region like Central Texas. Expanding transit and active transportation is not just a mobility issue. It is about affordability, climate resilience, and making sure people can get where they need to go safely and efficiently. I would work to ensure state policy and funding help Central Texas build a transportation system that reflects how people actually move.
Please share any additional information regarding your candidacy for TX HD-50 that might be of interest to our membership.
I would add that my candidacy is grounded in both lived experience and a commitment to data-driven, people-centered policy. I’m an Austin native, a small-business owner, and an immigration attorney who has spent my career working with families and workers navigating the consequences of state and local policy decisions. I see every day how housing costs, transportation choices, and land use decisions shape people’s ability to stay in Austin and thrive here. For House District 50, I’m especially focused on keeping Austin affordable, connected, and welcoming. That means supporting local land use reform, transit investments like Project Connect, and policies that reduce car dependence and overall household costs. It also means opposing state interference that blocks cities from addressing growth responsibly. I value organizations like AURA because you bring rigorous analysis, long-term thinking, and community engagement to these conversations. If elected, I would welcome continued dialogue with AURA members and see you as important partners in shaping policies that help Austin grow in a way that is inclusive, sustainable, and works for everyone.